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Since the end of the Cold War, a number of regional conflicts worldwide have devastated innocent populations. The conflicts in Rwanda and in the Balkans come to mind as prominent examples. With these developments the literature about women and war has proliferated.

A multisite evaluation of community mental health services is used to answer two questions: (a) How do diagnosis, functioning, and self–assessments of consumer/survivor initiative (CSI) and assertive community treatment (ACT) participants compare?, and (b) What other supports/services are CSI and ACT participants using? The sample is from an Ontario evaluation of consumer/survivor peer initiatives in four communities (n = 73). The reference group is new (n = 48) and ongoing (n = 134) clients of four ACT teams. Self–help organizations are serving a broader population of individuals who include a significant subgroup of persons with severe mental illness along with others with a mixed picture of higher functioning and greater instability. There is little overlap in the use of these modes of service delivery, which suggests that maintaining options within systems of care is critical to ensuring coverage and access for the broader population.

Government-sponsored gambling is a signficant source of revenue for the Province of Ontario, but it comes at a significant social costs to a vulnerable segment of society. It is estimated that 4.8% of adults who gamble are problem gamblers, but they contribute 35% of Ontario's gaming revenues. Is Ontario responsible at law for harm suffered by problem gamblers in the province's casinos? In this paper, the authors address this question by considering the common law duty of care, particularly in the context of commercial host liability, and its possible extension to the problem gambling context.

The establishment of the Housing and Property Directorate (HPD) and Claims Commission (HPCC) in Kosovo has reflected an increasing focus internationally on the post-conflict restitution of housing and property rights. In approximately three years of full-scale operation, the institutions have managed to make a property rights determination on almost all of the approximate 30,000 contested residential properties. As such, HPD and HPCC are being looked to by many in other post-conflict areas as an example of how to proceed. While the efficiency of the organizations is commendable, one of the key original goals – the return of displaced persons to their homes of origin – has to a large degree been left aside. The paper focuses on two distinct failures of the international community with respect to the functioning of HPD/HPCC and its possible effect on returns: a failure of coordination between HPD/HPCC and other organizations working on returns, and the isolation of residential property rights determinations from other aspects of building a property rights-respecting culture in Kosovo.

This chapter begins with overview of international law protections of a displaced person’s right to return to his or her home of origin. It focuses on the case studies of Kosovo and Georgia and considers the international community’s approach ‘on the ground’. The chapter addresses some of the weaknesses of an approach which relies to too great an extent on property restitution mechanisms as vehicles by which to encourage refugee and internally displaced persons (IDP) returns and protect such individuals’ rights to housing and the enjoyment of their property. IDPs’ lack of willingness to return may be related not only to political uncertainty in their area of origin, but also to ways in which they have adapted over time to circumstances in the place where they have taken refuge. The right to return to one’s home of origin, and the corresponding right to housing and property restitution for displaced persons, has been increasingly articulated in peace agreements and UN documents.

The colour of justice in Canada is largely driven by stereotypical assumptions about crime and those who commit it. Over the last few years, the use of race, ethnicity, and religion as indicators of suspicion by the police and security officials has come under scrutiny. The focus, however, has largely been on the American experience. The Colour of Justice provides the first comprehensive look at racial profiling in Canada. Its aim is to foster understanding and reform. The book uses social science evidence, judicial decisions, commission findings, government and police documents, narratives, and media reports to provide the answers to the following questions: When should policing be characterized as racial profiling? Why does it occur? How pervasive is it? What damage does it cause? Is it ever reasonable? How do we stop it? David M. Tanovich is one of Canada's leading experts in the area of systemic racism and criminal justice. As a lawyer, he argued the first appellate case to address racial profiling (R. v. Richards). As a law professor at the University of Windsor, he has written extensively in the area of racial profiling and has been invited across Canada to present his research. His work has been cited by Canadian courts, the Ontario Human Rights Commission, and academics in both Canada and the United States.

There is a growing disconnect and alienation between lawyers and the legal profession in Canada. The etiology of this discontent is complex. One cause, which is the focus of the paper is philosophical in nature. It concerns the role morality of the profession and what I posit is a disconnect between the role lawyers want to pursue (i.e. a facilitator of justice) and the role that they perceive the profession demands they play (i.e. a hired gun). In my opinion, this perception is a mistaken one. Given the paucity of Canadian research and reflection on ethics and professionalism, we have created an ethic of lawyering that finds expression in American stories, fears and academic criticisms. I argue in the paper that over the last 15 years, we have been engaged in a process of role morality reconstruction. Under this reconstructed institutional role, lawyers are problem-solvers whose mandate is to seek justice not only for their client but also for the broader legal, social and political system within which they operate. In other words, I contend that an ethic of client-centered zealous advocacy has slowly begun to be replaced with a justice-seeking ethic that seeks to give effect to law's ambition. Part II of this article provides the basic foundations of my reconstruction thesis. In the first section of Part II, I define role morality and defend it as the beacon of ethical reflection rather than jettisoning it in favour of an approach that relies on personal responsibility or morality. The next section attempts to trace the evolution of our understanding of the public interest. As the legal profession has always attempted to ground itself in the public interest, how the profession conceives of it will largely determine how it, and its members, should conduct themselves. The final section of Part II attempts to provide the evidence of this reconstructed role morality by exploring statements from leading members of the profession, recent ethics jurisprudence and by examining equality and harm prevention principles in our codes of conduct. Like any large bureaucratic institution, the profession will inevitably be slow to respond to its new identity and the changing set of norms and values that go with that identity. The required institutional changes are beyond the scope of the paper. However, Part III does address how lawyers can on an individual level give effect to this evolving role morality by adopting a pervasive justice-seeking ethic and by engaging in identity lawyering that is consistent with the interests of justice.

This article critically examines emerging public participatory processes and rhetoric about their ability to increase participatory democracy. The author questions the assumption that participatory democracy is an adequate goal for North American democratic decision-making processes; rather, both government and ADR practitioners should consider the potential of diversity-based democratic theory to inform participatory processes. The author draws from several emerging democratic and ADR theories to form a series of recommendations to incorporate diversity-based practice, thus improving the quality of democratic participation.