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If I emit greenhouse gases, and as a result the climate changes and you consequently suffer damage to your property or person, the law should allow you to sue me in tort. This article explains why this is so, and how we could reform Ontario law to make it a reality. (Winner of the 2007 CBA NEERLS Student Essay Competition.)
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This study explores four postwar attempts to re-imagine the role of workers within the corporation and especially their relation to the processes of corporate governance. Employees have been variously conceptualized as “citizens at work,” whose rights of association, speech, assembly, and due process can be secured through collective bargaining; as “stakeholders,” whose interests are entitled to consideration analogous to those of corporate shareholders; as “human capital,” worth preserving and enhancing through enlightened employment policies and practices; and as “investors” — actual holders of corporate equity through pension funds and other vehicles. Despite the descriptive power and normative appeal of these approaches, each ultimately failed. Nonetheless, they provide important insights into the political economy of the corporation, revealing it not only as it is usually imagined — as a site of orderly governance, rational decision making, and purposeful coordination — but also as a site of conflict. This insight may help to explain and predict how the political economy of corporations — rather than their governance structure — determines the fate not just of workers but also of shareholders, debt-holders, and creditors; of corporate managers and professional advisors; of participants in corporate supply and distribution chains, of consumers of corporate goods and services; and of inhabitants of communities and environments which come within the corporate force field.
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Because of the historical restrictions in the Indian Act, when couples who are separating or divorcing and agree on how to deal with their matrimonial real property, they do not have a comprehensive legal framework within which they can give effect to their intentions. Where couples do not agree, there is no mechanism for resolving their disputes. Many of these couples are attending provincial courts to obtain court orders for an equal division of their assets and find out that the courts will not and cannot address the situation of the property on reserve because of jurisdictional squabbling. That's the issue that NWAC is trying to find solutions to the fact that many women and their children are suffering because it is the women and children who are forced out of their family homes. It is the women and children who are the most affected because of the housing crises on reserve. It is the women and children who have to try to find places to stay, whether it's with their own families, in shelters (of which there are only 36 shelters on reserve) or have to move to an urban centre mostly with no financial resources. This is where the cycle again occurs because most of these women live in poverty and end up in the most poverty-stricken areas of urban centres causing even more risk to their families.
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It is time to set the record straight on the Native Women's Association of Canada's position on matrimonial real property (MRP). I am frustrated when the media are blindly led to write clearly biased reports without getting all of the facts ("Proposed changes would boost women's property rights", Leader Post, April 24). Beginning in October 2006, the NWAC heard ideas, opinions and solutions from aboriginal women who have been directly impacted by the lack of legal recourse to the equal division of their matrimonial home on reserve. I was encouraged to learn about the resilience of the women we heard from. NWAC totally supports her report and, in fact, supports the fact that First Nations have a continued inherent right to their lands and territories. The aboriginal women with whom we consulted reiterated this as well.
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Law serves as the site through which Canada expresses its commitment to the global war effort, showing its willingness to suspend the rights of citizens and non-citizens alike in the name of national and international security. After the bombing of Pearl Harbor, for example, Canada legislated for the internment of individuals with Japanese ancestry, confiscated their property, stripped them of citizenship and deported them to Japan, even if they did not have concrete ties to that country. Canadian history has demonstrated that one cannot understand the demarcation between those who are imagined to belong to the community and those who are constructed as ‘foreigners’ simply on the basis of citizenship. Rather, the demarcation has also historically been constructed along racial lines. In times of war, the law speaks loudly and clearly against those who are regarded as undesirable, untrustworthy and foreign.
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European colonizers, who believed they had discovered the New World were unaware of the political, social, geographical and historical relationships of O:gweho:we who were already living in North America. One of the O:gweho:we nations that existed as a powerful force in North America was the Hodinohso:ni Confederacy, which already had its own governing customary laws provided to them by the Peacemaker. This thesis is intended to explain the traditional customary laws of the Hodinohso:ni in order to provide an analysis and comparison of Hodinohso:ni law with Eurocentric international law.
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The Charter at 25: The Complaint of Judicial Activism.
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